Volume 7, No. 3, March. 2006


India’s New War: Mining Mafia vs Oppressed Tribals



The The New Year was ushered in by the mowing down of 12 tribals in Orissa. While the elite spent crores celebrating in the fashionable malls the poverty stricken tribals of Orissa were being massacred for demanding their rights over their own land and forests. The contrasts are vivid: TV channels blaring film stars and 5-star culture; the half-hungry tribals struggling for survival against police acting on behalf of the mining companies.
On Jan. 2 the police gunned down 12 tribals and seriously injured another 40 who were opposing the construction of the boundary wall of the proposed steel plant of Tata Steel at Kalinga Nagar of Jajpur district. The demand of the tribal people who would be affected by the proposed project was that the government allows the construction of the boundary wall only after the company paid them adequate compensation and ensured proper rehabilitation. Instead of discussions they were sought to be silenced with brute force by the government.
On that black Monday, nine platoons of policemen came in vehicles and took positions at the construction site to counter any protest by the tribal people. Some policemen, armed with semi-automatic rifles, surrounded the site. With the obvious intention to shoot to kill; the top officers who have the authority to give the order to fire were present from the very start. The Executive magistrate, the District Superintendent of Police and the Collector were all present.
The tribal people had started assembling at a distance to thwart the construction work as they had done on at least two previous occasions. When the bulldozers roared into action the men and women closed in on the site demanding stoppage of the work and negotiations. No attempt was even made at discussions and instead the tribals had to face rubber bullets and tear-gas shells. This infuriated the tribals and they fought back heroically. They hit back with bricks and bows and arrows. In the battle a policeman was captured and hacked to death.
The police, panic stricken, began to fire directly into the crowd. The firing went on for about an hour killing 12, including a 13-year boy and three women. But this did not deter the tribals, with the bodies of some of the dead they blocked all roads to Kalinga Nagar. The protesters started a dharna on the main Daitri-Paradip expressway with four corpses that they had recovered, demanding that the remaining bodies be handed over to them by the police.
Tension built up further on Jan.4 morning when the tribals discovered that five of the bodies returned had their palms chopped off and their genital mutilated. The tribals were horrified to find that five males penis cut off and one female had her breast cut off. Though the doctors were accused for this, it was clear that they were not killed in firing but had been arrested, brutally tortured and then killed. The government tried desperately to diffuse the crisis but they continued the dharna with the 12 bodies. Finally though the dharna continued the bodies were cremated. At the cremation grounds the tribal leaders vowed not to part with even an inch of their land ancestral land.
On Jan.7th there was a statewide bandh which crippled life in Orissa. Roads and even rail traffic was disrupted due to blockades throughout the state. In Bhubaneshwar the activists attacked the BJD office and the residence of the finance minister, Prafulla Ghadei, who is the MLA of the region and has been in the forefront of organising the repression. The bandh was also held in Jharkhand.
On the 10th day of the dharna Sonia Gandhi led a high-level team and visited the tribals amidst much media attention. She promised the kith of the dead 5 lakhs in compensation (the tribals had earlier rejected the Rs.1 lakh compensation from the state government) but said not one word on relief and rehabilitation. Ironically she was accompanied with not the welfare of mining ministers but with the Home Minister and the Union Home Secretary. Her intentions were obvious, try and make political capital and yet warn against any further actions. This is not surprising as the Prime Minister himself has been personally involved in pushing the mining deals in Orissa. So, though the BJD government at the State level has been in the forefront of these mining deals, it has got strong backing from the Congress government at the Centre.
On the other hand in a PRESS STATEMENT issued by the CENTRAL COMMITTEE of the CPI(MAOIST) stated that it: severely condemns the brutal massacre of twelve tribals by the Orissa police on Jan 2nd. The tribals  were protesting against the construction of steel plants on their lands near Kalinga nagar industrial complex near Jajpur, Orissa. The Kalinga Nagar killing has surpassed the two other incidents-the Maikanch firing on tribals in December 2000 and Raigarh firing by Naveen Patnaik government. The killing of policeman is but natural and we hail people’ s continued resistance despite facing cruel repression….. The BJD government who is opening Orissa to the rapacious and greedy Goliaths for the exploitation of invaluable mineral resources is caring a hoot to the poor and downtrodden. Naveen Patnaik bent upon crushing the continuing agitation with an iron hand already brought additional 27 platoons of Orissa State Armed Police (OSAP) force. Imposed curfews and prohibitory orders.
The vast stretches of adivasi areas ranging from the Dandakaranya to Jharkhand are threatened by the monstrous MNCs and Indian Compradors. In Jharkhand the Raman Singh government recently signed 42 agreements in mining, steel and power…. These plunderers are  determined to throw out form the homes and hearths of these indigenous people. These 21st century shylocks hand in glove the Central and state governments are trying to go any cost. Apart from the massive deployment of paramilitary and other armed forces the governments are going on with fascist gangs like “salwa judum and sendra”. The salvwa judum fascist gangs so far killed 100 adivasis people and raped many women, destroyed 40 villages. Around 20000 people had to leave their homes because of this State sponsored terror.
……………We appeal to the people of all walks of life to condemn the on going repression on Kalinga Nagar tribals’ struggle and appeal to stand in their support. Our Central Committee also appeals to support all the struggles of adivasi of this region where people are going losing their livelihood in the name of industrialization and mining.
List of Martyrs in Kalinga Nagar Massacre:
1.  Rangalal Munduya 2. Janga Jarika 3.  Sudam Barla 4.  Ram gagrou 5.  Ati Jamuda 6. Bana Pradra 7. Deogi Triya 8. Landu Jarika 9. Ram Chandra Jamuda 10. Mukta Bankira 11.  Govind Daguri (Student) 12.Bhagaban Soy.
A memorial is also planned on the spot in honour of those killed. Two organisations involved — the Jharkhandi’s Organisation of Human Rights and Jharkhand Mines Area Coordination Committee — have also planned to launch a campaign to counter the centenary celebrations of Tisco, beginning later this year. They have called on the Yatas to accept responsibility for the massacre and call off the programme and donate the money to build a memorial.
On January 31st the tribals held a massive rally close to the spot of the firing. It made its intention clear by taking on the government by launching a “shahid yatra” and sprinkling the ashes of the tribals killed in the police firing throughout the state. They refuse any cooperation whatsoever with the government. Now it over one month into the road blockade of the Paradeep-Daitari expressway which has resulted in a loss of over Rs.1 crore so far. The blockade has badly hit the movement of goods and mineral to and from Paradeep port. But even if the blockade is lifted the tribals are determined not to concede to even a inch of their land to any industrial project in the area in future.
Discontent Sweeps the State
The seed of the discontent were sowed in the region in the 1990s when the government started acquiring land in the early 1990s as part of the globalization policies being pushed by the imperialists. From then itself the privatization of mines was high on the agenda. The Biju Patnaik government acquired 12,000 acres of land in Kalinga Nagar in 1992. But in these years only two companies, NINL and MISL, set up plants. Simplex Industrial concern withdrew after facing stiff opposition from the tribals. Though they were paid a measly compensation of Rs.37,000 per acre the tribals did not leave their lands. But in 2004-05 when the government handed over 1960 acres to the Tatas and began to push the tribals out the resistance began. They refused to go saying the compensation was worthless. Besides, most tribals though they have been ploughing their land for generations they have not been given pattas for it; but the compensation would only apply to the ‘patta’ lands.
In the period of 1992-97 alone around 1 lakh crores of foreign direct investment came to exploit the vast quantities of natural resources. The big mining projects will usurp 1,10,000 acres of fertile agricultural land, 10,000 acres of forest and 50,000 acres of grazing land in the region of Raygara-Koraput-Kalahandi.
The government then paid a mere Rs.37,000 per acre and the State government started work on the NILN (Nilachal Ispat Nigam Ltd) steel project in 1998. The Mesco Group followed it up with a 0.5 million tonne steel plant. Until now the industrial complex of Kalinga Nagar spread over 12,000 acres has attracted 13 steel projects including the one by Tata Steel.
The protests have been continuous against all projects that seek to displace the people with out any proper R & R. In 1997 two people were killed in police firing during land acquisition for the now shelved Tata Steel project at Gopalpur. The same company had to back out of a prawn culture project at Chikla following protests by local fishermen in the early 1990s. In December 2000 three persons were killed in police firing at Manikanch, near Kashipur in Raygada district, while protesting against the Rs.4,000 crore alumina project by Utkal Alumina International Ltd. The Vedanta Group (UK) which is setting up a Rs.4,000 crore alumina refinery at Lanjigarh in Kalahandi too had to face tribal protest in 2004.
The experience of the NINL plant has shown that the government is just out to rob the tribals of their land without any real R & R (Relief and Rehabilitation). Here 634 families were displaced. While the displaced families were paid Rs.37,000 per acre NINL paid the IDCO (Industrial Development Corporation of Orissa) Rs.3.5 lakh per acre. They were given a plot of land 12 kms away with each family getting one-tenth of an acre. The government promised jobs but not one person was given any. They were promised free medical facilities, free electricity and various other sops. Nothing materialized. In this Gobarghati Rehabilitation Centre six people, including two children, have died of water-borne diseases in the last five months. None of the six tube-wells installed were functioning. The nearest primary health centre is 20 kms away to which they have to walk. There is one school and no teacher. Most of the families have disappeared and none settled on the undeveloped plots. At the Trijanga rehabilitation Colony, where families displaced from Siari and Basipur by Mesco and Jindal, it is the same story.
Seeing this experience the tribal people have now continued to occupy the lands that were acquired from them. Unsure of an alternative livelihood, they protested whenever any new projects were started. Subsequently the government paid some more to the tribals but this had little effect as there was no rehabilitation plan. On May 9th 2005 the tribals were lathi charged while opposing the bhoomi puja of a steel project of Maharashtra Seamless. In the clash the Jajpur ADM (Additional District Magistrate) and two police officers were seriously injured. This was followed up by midnight raids on villages in a bid to terrorise them. They arrested a large number of tribals including 25 women and 14 children. All were harassed and humiliated and detained for 22 days. The villages involved were primarily from those in which the 12 were killed in the present clash. In the present case too while Tata has paid Rs.3.75 per acre to IDCO, the displaced have only been given Rs.62,000 per acre.
This action was directed by the MLA from the region and the State’s finance minister who had come there on the occasion. Praful Chandra Ghadie is a powerful trade union leader of the area and a mafia don. Recently, at his instance and financed by the mining mafia, some local youth of his electoral area of Sukinda have formed a private army to defend the industrialists who are putting up plants in Kalinga Nagar.
But the tribals are not cowed down. In October 2005 the tribals again obstructed the bhoomi puja of another private company. A big police force was called in. after this tension increased and the tribals gheraoed the Kalinga Nagar police station. This was only lifted after the government gave an assurance of proper compensation. During this agitation the president of the Front was arrested and has since been languishing in jail.
But NINL is not the only experience. Since 1947 none of the three million peopledisplaced — 50% tribals — in the tribal and coastal areas have received adequate compensation and rehabilitation. Uprooted, often forcibly and violently, from their lands, most have been reduced to penury. Many have even died of starvation. It is not surprising therefore that the outbreak at Kalinga Nagar has now inspired protests from those ousted from earlier projects like the Hirakud dam in Sambalpur district, the Nalco project in Angul and Koraput, the Rourkela Steel Plant at Sundargarh district and the HAL factory at Sunbeda in Koraput district.
In mid January in two major actions the tribals blocked all entry points to Rourkela demanding that the plant’s surplus land, taken from them about 50 years ago, be returned to their original owners. Three trucks, two dumpers and a three wheeler were set on fire at Panposh and Deldih on the outskirts of the city. There were a number of organisations (including the Rourkela Local Displaced Association and the Anchalik Surakhya Committee) involved in the indefinite blockade. Tribals, armed with bows and arrows, took to the streets to enforce the blockade. Boulders were kept on the roads and tyres were burnt at the entry points to the city, while a large crowd squatted on the railway tracks on the Howrah-Mumbai route and the railway line was closed down for three full days. 22 platoons of armed police were called in. Pitched battles took place between the tribals and the police and the blockade continued for a fortnight.
It is reported (Outlook) that revolts have flared up like bush fires all over Orissa and many of the industrial ventures are having second thoughts about their investments. People opposed to Posco said “if the project is not scrapped we will set up barricades, we will stop paying revenue and if necessary blow up bridges to cut off all connection”. They are being led by the Pratiordh Sangram Samiti whose president is Abhay Sahu.
Orissa’s Gold Rush
So far 43 MoUs have been signed for steel plants and three for aluminum refineries. To set up Greenfield plants, and many of the companies are all set to mine in Schedule V areas, where tribal people enjoy protection against land alienation. To set up these industries 60,000 acres of land has to be that if all the projects are implemented about 10 lakh people will be displaced. The State’s New Industrial Policy has rolled out the red carpet for these companies by exempting them for sales tax, entry tax, electricity charges, and other taxes for 20 years. The land is being leased out to these industries at very low rates. Reservoirs, rivers, and hydroelectricity plants are being handed over to the industrial houses while farmers do not have enough water for irrigation. Fishermen are being pushed out for prawn cultivation and what is left of the forests will be devastated.
These will involve an investment of Rs.1.4 lakh core to produce 58.4 million tones of steel per annum. This is a part of the New Steel Policy unveiled by the Union cabinet recently which seeks to take the per annum steel production up from 30 million tones today to 100 million tones by 2020. Of these 43, 17 have started construction and 10 are nearing completion. Orissa’s estimated iron ore reserves are 5.4 billion tomes. Of this 3.1 billion is in mines leased out and 766 million tones are with the government. The government is busy seeking to sell of the balance 1.5 billion tones. Rampant mining of iron ore is already going on in Keonjhar and Sundargarh which have some of the best forests. The Niyamgiri hills of Kalahandi, home to a variety of medicinal plants, are also facing the threat of mining. In these places there are no basic health care facilities and pollution is already a serious problem. Here there are also no proper schools and the interior villages have no roads and electricity. The areas that would witness mining of iron ore and the setting up new steel plants and captive power plants are Keonjhar, Sundargarh, Jajpur, Dhenkanal and Angul districts. The Orissa Steel plant plans to make hot rolled steel. At present 600 families are squatting within the plant site. They are the original owners of the land who have refuse to accept the compensation.
With the diversion of large forest areas in Lanjigarh, Kashipur and Keonjhar, people have become refugees in their own lands, their livelihood and their lands snatched away from them overnight. In spite of such a massive plan for mining projects the State government has not even drawn up a plan for R & R. the draft R & R policy is gathering dust and even after the firing at Jajpur there are no plans to sytematise it. Obviously the government wants no such policy and mere to throw out the tribals at the lowest possible cost, depending on the level of their agitation.
Orissa is one of the richest States in the country in mineral resources, yet it is one of the poorest. Orissa has 33% of the country’s iron ore, 60% of the bauxite, 98.4% of the chromite, 25% of the coal and 68% of the manganese. As the rush for iron ore hots up in the Northern Orissa districts, the queue for bauxite is getting longer in the Southern belt.
Four alumina refineries have been planned to be set up by the Anil Agarwal owned Vedanta Alumina, the Indo-Canadian joint venture Utkal Alumina, the Adity Alumina and a joint venture of L & T and the Dubai Aluminum Limited in the Kalahandi, Rayagada and Koraput districts. Construction of two of them has started — in Lanjigarh in Kalahandi and Kashipur in Rayagada — despite massive opposition by the tribals. Some of these have already come up in spite of massive opposition from the local tribals. The Utkal Alumina project which will displace 22,000 people loss of pasture land will doom about 40,000 cattle to famine, will only create 400 “non-technical” jobs. The project is expect to last for only about 25 years. In the proposed projects at Kashipur, Laxmipur, and Dasmantpur about 80,000 people face loss of livelihood, but only 3,000 will get employment. Companies like Vedanta in Lanjhigarhar operating illegally are operating illegally without environment clearance, mining permit and consent of the gram sabha; hundreds acres of forest are being cut down in Sambalpur district by Bhushan Steel and other sponge iron factories.
Tribals constitute over 22% of the total population of the State (the all-India percentage is 7%) Of these 73% live below the poverty line. The main reason for this is deprivation of land. Only 13% of the total land under Schedule V is owned by them. The State owns approximately 74% of the lamd in these regions where the majority of the tribals are either landless or marginal farmers.
But Orissa is not the only place where the government is handing over the land to the mining mafia. Massive project of iron ore and steel, coal, bauxite, uranium and many other metals are coming up in many other states, particularly Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh. The Rape of Jharkhand

The Jharkhand government has also already signed 43 MoUs with 43 domestic and overseas investors against the commitment that the State government would be providing the land and other infrastructure to the mining mafia at excessively cheap rates. The Arjun Munda government has blindly signed on the dotted line. The major problem it faces in taking over the land and handing it over to the industrialists. The Jharkhand had initiated work on the formation of a land bank to provide land to industries. The investments involved in all these projects here amounts to a massive Rs.2 lakh crores by various Indian and foreign companies, needing 52,000 acres of land.
So deeply involved is the Jharkhand BJP government in gigantic mining contracts that the governor, immediately after the Jan.2 firing went rushing to Delhi. He met the President and the Union Home Minister. He told the3 latter that “rehabilitation will be an important issue in the execution of about 40 million tonne steel plants and 5,000 mega-watts captive thermal power plants.
Just four major steel plants plan to invest $ 30 billion (Rs.1.5 lakh crores) in Jharkhand. Mittals has signed a MoU for a 12 million tone steel plant. Tata Steel has signed an MoU for a 10 million steel plant , besides expanding the Tatanagar plant to 7 million tonnes. Jindal and Essar too have signed MoUs fo a 10 mt and a 5 mt plant respectively. SAIL (IISCO — PSU)has plans to invest Rs.4,000 crores to develop the Chira mines.
Jharkhand has 1.5 times more reserves of iron ore than the present estimates. In fact all the big houses are primarily eyeing the Chira mines. Chira is considered one of the richest iron ore mines in the world with over 1.5 billion tones of deposits. Earlier the mining tribunal ruled that the State government should restore the mining of two major blocks of the Chira mines to SAIL as the Jharkhand government had revoked to leases in order to privatize them.
Besides Jharkhand is home to the biggest uranium mining project in the country at Jaduguda in East Singhbum district.. With eight new nuclear reactors under construction there is going to be a huge spurt in the demand for uranium. At present the project produces 220 tonnes of the yellow cake per year as against a yearly consumption of 300 tonnes. The UCIL (Uranium Corporation of India Ltd) has plans for the massive extension of these East Singbum mines (at Jaduguda, Narwapahar, Bhatin, and Turamdih) given the large deposits in the area. The Narwapahar mine which was started in 1995 produces as much as 1,500 tonnes of ore per day. The Turamidh mine was opened in 2002 and another mine is planned here. Also mines are planned to be started in Banduhurang and Bagjata.
Also a number of power projects have been sanctioned like that of the Eastern NGA Mines Ltd. The company has signed a MoU with the State government in Feb 2004 regarding the setting up of a 1000 MW-power plant at Patratu. The state government failed to provide the land and coal (agreed to 100 acres of land and coal blocks) to the company as agreed in the MoU and so this has not progressed.
The villagers in Gamharia Block of Jharkhand district have been up in arms against plans to mine uranium at Mohuldih. In August an attempt by the UCIL to hold a public hearing on environmental questions associated with the project was thwarted by villagers of the area. The villagers said that they neither needed uranium nor a hearing. Residents of the area have declared that they will not let go of their land under any circumstances. Among those opposing the proposed project are the Jharkhand Organisation Against Radiation (JOAR) and a newly formed association of Ranchi-based lecturers and academics. The protesters allege that the UCIL and the local administration have been using coercive methods to push the project through.
The local villagers have been vociferously opposing these mining projects.

Other Mining Plans

It was soon after the globalization initiative that the mining sector was sought to bed opened out to the loot and rape of our people. It was as early as 1993 that the National Mineral Policy (for non-fuel and non-atomic minerals)
Besides Jharkhand large deposits of uranium have been found in Nalgonda district (Lambapur and Pedagattu) of Andhra Pradesh and in Meghalya. There are massive plans to develop these mines due to the increasing demand for uranium. At present the government has eight new reactors coming up in different parts of the country.
Tata Steel has planned to increase its production from the present 5 million tones to 30 mt by 2015. its major expansion plans are in Jharkhand where it plans to expand its Tatanagar capacity to 10mt and add a new plant of 12 mt. In Orissa it plans a 6 mt plant and in the Bastar district of Chhathisgarh it plans a 5 mt plant. The total investment plans in these projects are a huge Rs.1 lakh crores. To clear the path against the resistance of the tribals massive repression has been unleashed in Bastar under the name of “Salwa Judum”. So far about 40 villages have been burnt down, 100 killed and forty women activists gang-raped. Huge para-military forces continue in the area on the rampage with local goons led by politicians.
In addition the centre is in the process of setting up four Special Purpose Vehicle (SPVs) to pilot four mega power plants with initial capacities of 800 mega watts each — at Champa, Chhathisgarh, Singroli at MP, Karwar Karnataka, and Surat in Gujarat.
Chhathisgarh too has huge plans for mining projects with massive iron ore deposits still to be extracted. Essars has already completed a 267 kms pipeline to take the iron ore to the port in the form of slurry at a fraction of the cost that the railways would entail — from Rs.550 per tonne to a mere Rs.80 per tonne. The pipeline passes through the three states of Chhathisgarh, Orissa and Andhra Pradesh.
In Andhra Pradesh the planned Polavaram dam will displace over 2 lakh people from the vast backward regions of Telanagana (chiefly Khammam district) while sending the water to the rich fields of Krishna and Godavari districts. The bulk of these our poor tribals of this vast belt. Lakhs of people have already come out in agitation against this dam.
In Madhya Pradesh the government planned the ‘relocation’ (in other words eviction) of 75 villages in the forest areas Piparia in Hoshagabad district to set up three National Parks and Wild Life Sanctuaries. Thousands of tribals have been protesting against these projects under the banners of Samajwadi jan Parishad, Kisan Adivasi Sangathan and the Shramik Adivasi Sangathan. The protestingrofits from these projects? These rich mineral deposits are mostly in the most backward regions of the country. Having depleted the mineral resources in many other parts of the world the imperialists are now pushing a ‘liberalised’ mining agenda in order to rob the country of its natural resources. The rate at which the MoUs have been signed the mines will finish our entire iron ore, bauxite, etc within a couple of decades. But, worse than that is the human tragedy that such rampant mining will cause to the local inhabitants, particularly the tribals. On has only to see the displaced of the projects like the Hirakud dam to witness the extent of their suffering and trauma.
Development is no doubt a must for the growth of the welfare of the people. But this development must be such that gives the local people jobs, helps develop their land and forest, and bring industrial development that serves their needs primarily. Such real development can only be achieved by developing the purchasing power of the people locally in order that this can act as the motor for growth and development of the market. For this also the land and forest must fully belong to the people who till and inhabit it. It is then that the fruits of their labour will come to them and not be robbed by contractors, bureaucrats, politicians, traders, industrialists, moneylenders and landed elements.
In these backward areas it is the Naxalites who have a strong presence. Also many other organisations are mobilising the tribals against this rapacious loot. The Naxalites are the only force that can withstand the government’s terror and giving a fitting reply to the mining mafia. The entire administration, police, courts and even the para-military act as the private army of the mining companies — many of which are foreign or that of the big comprador bourgeoisie. Yet, there is need for all these forces to come together to fight a common battle.
The stakes are enormous. The amount of money planned to be invested would be around Rs.5 lakh crores (roughly $100 billion). The profits they hope to may are gigantic. They will not easily give up such loot. The ferociousness of their attacks at Bastar, where Tata plans to set up a steel plant, is an indication of the extent to which they will go to secure their huge investments.
But the people are fighting back. They have seen from past experience the nature of this so-called development and know what it means for them. Also they see some hope in the coming battles with the armed Naxalite force present to take on the mining mafia and their paid henchmen — in uniform and out of it. For an effective fight against this new monster there is a need of all forces, Naxalite and others, to conduct a joint uncompromising struggle to defend their right to life and a livelihood. Development must be people oriented, not imperialist oriented. Or else India will be ravaged by a new civil war of the mining mafia and their henchmen vs the local inhabitants. Kalinga Nagar would be just be a dress rehearsal of what is to come.
On dec.16th 2005 the Kasipur tribal observed their 5th Martyr’s Day in memory of the three who lost their lives in police firing. This year was the 12th year of the ongoing struggle of the Kashipur tribals against the mining companies. Last year repression increased manifold. There was balnk firing, tear-gas shelling and lathi-charges three times in Kashipur and 52 people were arrested. Till today 13 people are in jail and 250 more are on the police’s ‘warrant list’. The local police pick up people whenever they want, on the village roads, in the weekly bazaar, on the river banks, and even when the Adivasis are working on the fields. The CRPF, the Indian Reserve Battalion and the Orissa State Armed Police are being used to crush the people’s resistance.
The entire system, the district administration, the police top brass, MLAs, MPs, the ruling BJP and BJD leaders, the Congress politicians, the contractors and dalals — they are all aligned with the profit machine of the UAIL. It is the Adivasis vs the might of the bureaucracy, the political establishment and big business.



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