Volume 4, No. 4-5, April-May 2003

 

Editorial

Uphold the Science of Marxism

 

In April 22, 1969, the revolutionary masses celebrate the 34th anniversary of the formation of the CPI(ML), which gave birth to the revolutionary trend in the Indian Communist Movement — that made a clear break with decades of revisionism. Though the initial upsurge was brutally crushed, tiny sparks continued to exist, which later grew into a raging fire in the flaming fields of AP, Bihar and Dandakarnaya.

Being an April-May joint issue, we also reiterate the historical significance of May Day — International Workingmen’s Day, a festive occasion for the working-class throughout the world. Marxism is particularly the ideology of the working-class. In its 155 years of its existence Marxism has faced many an attack, both from within the movement and without. From within the movement, it has primarily faced attacks from revisionism. From without the attacks take various forms, the latest being theories of post-modernism, etc.

To commemorate these two days, we dedicate this issue to Upholding the Science of Marxism by countering social-democracy/revisionism in some of its manifestations. In this issue we carry a number of articles on the subject, related both to India and also the international experience of social-fascism — socialism in words, fascism in deeds. Social fascism, the end-product of social-democracy, first manifested by the revisionists of Europe (who encouraged, directly or indirectly, the growth of Fascism, while in power, or out of it), is to be seen today in India {as with the CPI(M)}and in many countries of the world. We also include in this issue an article exposing the newly arisen World Social Forum, which also acts to divert people’s attention away from thorough-going anti-imperialism and from revolutionary Marxism. {In later issues we shall detailedly expose the main ideological roots of this NGO phenomena — post-modernism—Editor}

The danger of revisionism to the International Communist Movement cannot be underrated, particularly today, where it has faced a serious set-back, after the collapse of socialism in the Soviet Union, China, Albania and elsewhere, and its miscarriage in countries like Vietnam, North Korea and Cuba. Thousands of troops of the imperialist armies could not have inflicted as serious damage to the cause of socialism and communism as this destruction caused by revisionism. Today, it comprises the main danger to the ICM :

It undermines class-struggle; like a cancer, it eats into the revolutionary potential of the masses; it replaces principles and revolutionary integrity with subterfuge and deception; it creates opportunist and self-seeking bureaucrats, rather than selfless communists; it creates petty Trade-Union/party officials rather than communist statesmen; it replaces the science of Marxism with petty politicking; it negates revolutionary strategy and confines tactics to what is acceptable to the rulers; it negates proletarian organization and dedication and replaces it with liberal, secure, self-satisfied life-styles and struggles; it negates proletarian culture/values and the need for remoulding, and adjusts to the cultural mores and values of the existing system; and, last but not least, it stabs the revolution in the back.

Over a century back, Lenin first defined revisionism, as it arose as a phenomenon within the communist movement. He said:

"The revived international organisation of the labour movement — in the shape of periodical international congresses — from the outset, and almost without a struggle, adopted the Marxist standpoint in all essentials (i.e by the 1890s…. Editor). But after Marxism had ousted all the more or less integral doctrines hostile to it, the tendencies expressed in those doctrines began to seek other channels. The forms and causes of the struggle changed, but the struggle continued. And the second half-century of the existence of Marxism began (in the nineties) with the struggle of a trend hostile to Marxism within Marxism itself. Bernstein, a one-time orthodox Marxist, gave his name to this trend by coming forward with the most noise and with the most purposeful expression of amendments to Marx, revision of Marx, revisionism." (Marxism & revisionism - Lenin)

Lenin further added:

"A natural complement to the economic and political tendencies of revisionism was its attitude to the ultimate aim of the socialist movement. "The movement is every thing, the ultimate aim is nothing" — this catch-phrase of Bernstein’s expresses the substance of revisionism better than many long disquisitions. To determine its conduct from case to case, to adapt itself to the events of the day and to the chopping and changing of petty politics, to forget the primary interests of the proletariat and the basic features of the whole capitalist system, of all capitalist evolution, to sacrifice these primary interests for the real or assumed advantages of the moment — such is the policy of revisionism." (ibid)

Though the essence of revisionism is basically the same, its form and methods may change depending on the time and place. Elaborating on the above Bernsteinian approach, Lenin further added, "And it patently follows from the very nature of this policy that it may assume an infinite variety of forms, and that every more or less "new" question, every more or less unexpected and unforeseen turn of events, even though it change the basic line of development only to an insignificant degree and only for the briefest period, will always inevitably give rise to one variety of revisionism or another".

Later, modern revisionism by Khrushchev raised this trend to new heights, when Socialism in the Soviet Union was sabotaged from within, and nearly 70% of the parties of the ICM led into the morass. Then, in the 1950s and 1960s, China stood out as a beacon light. The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution was a giant experiment for, not merely taking China along the socialist path, but for the creation of a new communist man. But then again, in the mid-1970s, Deng revisionism once again set the clock back. The GPCR was stabbed in the back, and the Deng culture "to get rich is fine", brought the bourgeoisie once again to power. Revisionism got a new lease of life as, this time; there was no major force to counter the Chinese brand of revisionism.

Today, revisionism has so discredited the communist movement, that we see only a sprinkling of communists in the gigantic anti-globalisation/anti-war movements of the world. The bourgeoisie traditionally diffuses the distinction between the genuine communists and the revisionists, utilizing the general label ‘Left’, thereby putting the ills of the revisionists on to the communists. Today, it is basically those upholding Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, that continue in the revolutionary Marxist tradition. Their numbers are, as yet, few.

In the post-war world, the reactionaries first sought to tame the communists by diverting them from the path of revolution, utilizing the services of the revisionists. When unsuccessful, they unleashed unbelievable fury against them, massacring thousands, even lakhs. Immediately after World War II this was seen in countries like Greece, Indonesia and elsewhere. Later this was repeated in Latin America, Indo-China and Africa. India too witnessed the similar wrath of the rulers after Naxalbari, and now once again with the revival of the revolution by the PW and MCCI. A similar ruthlessness is to be witnessed in Nepal after the launching of the people’s war. Here again the revisionists played their dubious role; the CPM ganged up with the Congress hoodlums in the massacre of naxalites in the 1970s, and now act as willing accomplices, when necessary (as in West Bengal). In Nepal the UML went so far as to align with the present killer king.

History has shown that, if revolution must proceed, clear lines of demarcation are drawn between Marxism and revisionism; if not, the revolution will be diverted from its goal. Not only that, even after victory in any country, if clear lines are not drawn, the revolution is aborted (as in Vietnam) or defeated (as in Russia and China) and the bourgeoisie returned to power (notwithstanding their communist/socialist labels).

Today, it has become the fashion to negate ideology, the basic principles of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao, as something outdated. In the vast sea of the anti-globalisation movement this has become a trend, and anarchist and post-modernist theories are in fashion. Even within the Marxists, there are numerous trends, many of which give only lip-service to ideology, that too in the abstract. The revisionists, of course, use it only as a label to dupe the masses and cadre.

On this occasion, it is important to re-emphasise the importance of ideology, not as a dogma, but as an illumining light through which to view the world and our practice. It has to be wielded creatively to understand latest developments, in order to help the process of cognition, of getting to the truth. It has to be internalized as a world outlook, which, if neglected, necessarily results in the bourgeois outlook dominating. Finally, it is Marxism and Marxism alone that enable us to draw those clear lines of demarcation with revisionism. Today, Marxism has developed into Marxism-Leninism-Maoism; and therefore it is by only utilizing its latest form that it can be effectively applied as a science. In this issue of the magazine we attempt to uphold this science, by countering some trends hostile to it. We hope that it will help this process.

 

 

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