May-June 1999

With a third general election in just three years and five prime-ministers in the same period, the real question before the Indian people is not which party is better than the other, but what is the alternative to the rot that has beset the country. The question is not that of disgust for what is emanating from the parliamentary pig-sty; but to discover the root cause for that stench and how best to eradicate it. The question is not that of giving legitimacy to these greedy sharks by voting for this or that scoundrel, but that of rejecting the system that acts as the breeding ground for such reptiles.

The crass irresponsibility, ferocious power-mania, extreme opportunism, treachery, unscrupulousness that was witnessed before and after the fall of the Vajpayee government is an indication of the depths to which the political system has degenerated. All that mattered for each of the players, small or big, was POWER. The BJP took drastic measures to cling to power, while the ‘opposition’ fought amongst themselves like mad dogs for the loaves of power. Slogans of ‘national interest’, ‘secularism’, ‘democracy’ were flung around to act as a smokescreen to cover their nefarious deals. These scum, that go under the label of ‘politicians’, are accountable to no one — not to the people, not to the electorate, not even to those who voted them in — they change their stand and allegiances, as they change their shirts.

But behind these politicians, stand the money-bags.... big business, feudal lords and cooperative bosses, the underworld and mafia, and the most powerful of them all — the TNCs and foreign capital. To merely fault the politician and absolve the money-bags, is to miss the essence. The two are inseparable, the former merely acting as stooges of the latter. That is why on basic policy all stand united, in favour of the money-bags. The scramble is only about who should implement these policies, and, in the process gain the advantages of power. This was clearly evident in the manner in which they passed the budget — it was disposed of in a mere 15 minutes, with not even a question being asked.

Groveling before the West and implementing IMF/World Bank dictated economic policies is common to all — only the BJP does it with ‘swadeshi’ rhetoric, the CPI/CPI(M) do it with ‘socialist’ phrase-mongering and the Congress (I) does it with open servility. Their disagreements on economic policies are merely cosmetic, varying only to the extent of the power equations involved and their close affinities to different TNC/comprador lobbies or caste-based semi-feudal power groups.

Their approach to the suppression of people’s movements — whether trade unions, peasant movements, movements of oppressed castes, women or minorities, or the revolutionary and nationality movements — is once again, common. There was little to choose between the PVN’s Congress (I) government, or that of the UF or the BJP. Here again, at most, their methods may differ, their intentions are the same — the Congress (I) and BJP are direct and brutal, while the CPI/CPI(M)’s methods vary from direct to camouflaged brutality.

As regards communalism and hindu chauvinism there are, no doubt, some differences, but even here there is a common thread — the BJP is aggressive about it, the Congress(I) subtle about it, and the CPI/CPI(M) adopt a policy of appeasement towards it. Open and outright defence of minorities and dalits is absent, and, fuelling the flames of an anti-Pak hysteria is common to all.

In fact on all major national and international issues, there is, at best, only a difference of emphasis. Whether it is a stand on regional hegemony, or weaponisation and burgeoning defence expenditure, or on cutting social welfare, or even on Yugoslavia, etc.... the views are similar. Even on the much talked of issue of corruption... they are all corrupt to the core, at most the only difference is in the extent of money made. Even the so-called honest, Vajpayee, Fernandes, Jyothi Basu, etc, are tainted with scandals.

In all the wheeling-dealing, statements, proclamations etc. that came forth in the wake of the collapse of the Vajpayee government could we discern even an iota of ‘principles’, ‘programmes’ or a different set of policies ? There were none. It was a vulgar game of numbers, each trying to grab an MP here and an MP there to make up the magic number of 271. And in this political bazaar, MPs were being bought and sold in a true ‘free trade’ style.

In this entire episode, what was particularly profane was the high profile propaganda of the mainstream media, which presented the vulgar events (with their party biases) as though it was a cricket match or horse-race, between contending parties that ended in a photo-finish. Half-truths and lies proliferated, trivial nonsense was given head-line prominence, and banal absurdities were lent an air of profoundity. Yet, this barrage of mundane trash, was not able to diffuse people’s disgust with the entire political clan and their hangers-on.

What is of particular importance in these political events, is that none of the parties, even the major one, had any control over the events. The crisis is so deep, that all the deft moves and counter-moves by the main players fell flat on their face. The BJP could see the possibility of the AIADMK’s withdrawal well in advance, and inspite of high-level horse-trading, failed to save their government. The Jayalalitha/Swamy combine took the initiative for withdrawal with a firm belief of forming an alternative government, and now look ridiculous. The Congress(I) and particularly its President Sonia Gandhi, staked everything in the gamble to take power ... and failed miserably. The wily, Harkishan Singh Surjeet began the anti-BJP manoeuvres on behalf of the Congress (I), only to get snubbed by the very Congress(I) itself who refused to support the prime ministership of Jyothi Basu. And Mulayam Singh Yadav who has for the last six months, been pleading that the Congress(I) take the initiative to topple the BJP, itself ended in ignomity, hatching a deal with the Samata and hob-nobbing with the BJP. All look splendidly foolish in their desperation for power, with the Surjeet-Sonia-Jaya trio becoming the prized clowns. Infact this trio have achieved exactly the opposite of what they desired. Instead of displacing the BJP, they have effectively given it a renewed credibility and presented themselves as nothing but disrupters. Finally, though none desired elections, they were forced into an election within just 13 months.

The fact that not a single party, together with their money-bag financiers, had control over the events, is only one aspect of the severe crisis afflicting the rulers. Often, they have little control even over their own parties, not knowing when the next factional feud will break-out.

Parties in Deep Crisis

For all the big-talk of democracy all these parliamentary outfits are highly autocratic. In periods of crisis, this inevitably adds to the factionalism and opportunism which is associated with blind self-interest. The BJP, brought up in the RSS mould, makes no pretence at democracy, and with megalo-maniacs like Advani, Kalyan Singh etc, at the helm of affairs at the centre and states nothing better can be expected. The Congress(I) with its ‘high command’ culture, and the rule of a clique, linked to the Congress President, is as autocratic as any BJP/RSS structure, the only difference is that they make a pretence of being democratic. Autocratic functioning has been taken to extreme limits by Sonia Gandhi, a non-entity, who demands obsequiousness of her followers, treating even top leaders with the contempt and arrogance of a queen. Even the CPI(M) is a highly bureaucratic structure with the Basu-Surjeet duo exerting inordinate control. As for all the small formations they are nothing but feudal fiefdoms run by a Fernandes, a Jayalalitha, a Kanshiram, a Chandrababu Naidu, a Mamta Banerjee, a Karunanidhi, a Mulayam Singh Yadav, a Lalloo Prasad Yadav, a Badal, an Abdullah etc, etc. Such highly autocratic structures are expected to give the Indian people a democracy !!

The BJP’s front has been so fractured from the start that it took a major part of its effort just to hold together. In the course of the 13 months, not only the AIADMK, but also the Trinamul Congress, Akali Dal and Chautala’s INLD have created major problems. The TDP has continuously played the politics of brinkmanship, lending support at crucial moments only after extracting its pound-of-flesh. The Congress(I), as was evident after ‘operation topple’, was not able to ally with any, on its didactic terms. It is caught within the contradictions of its Panchamadi resolution of going forward alone and regaining its independent strength by cutting the base of its ‘allies’; and of joining with its ‘allies’ for the sake of power, thereby forsaking the attempt at re-gaining its own base. As for the so-called secular Third Front, it is a still-born illegitimate child of the revisionists; with one after the other ‘secular’ parties embracing the hindu fundamentalists — first it was the TDP, then the DMK and latest even the Samajwadi party.

Today, the most faction-ridden outfit is that of the BJP and its allies. Not only is every state unit of the BJP deeply faction ridden (in UP over 40 MLAs are in open revolt and have even threatened to demonstrate before Advani’s house) but there are also deep fissures within the central leadership. The summary dismissal of Mohan Guruswamy (who was instrumental in writing the BJP election manifesto) the isolation of one of its senior-most leaders, Madan Lal Khurana (ex-parliamentary affairs minister and also Delhi chief minister), the public conflict between HRD minister Murali Manohar Joshi, and his minister of state, Uma Bharati, and the earlier slanging match between Vajpayee and BJP general secretary, Govindacharya and the PM’s offer to step down from the post of prime ministership — are all an indication how deep is the rot. As far as its allies go, most are divided, with sections of the Samata, BJD, Akali Dal and Trinamul Congress MPs in regular touch with the Congress(I); the National Conference and INLD continue sitting on the fence.

As far as the Congress(I) is concerned, faction-fighting is part of their tradition. During ‘operation topple’ it was clear how deep the strife within it was, when all the spokespersons of the party were replaced by only one — Arjun Singh. Also, during this period even top leaders were side-lined and decisions were taken by a small coterie around Sonia Gandhi.... comprising the twice-defeated Arjun Singh, Fotedar, Vincent George and RD Pradhan. With the utter failure of this clique, contractions are bursting out into the open. Also, the method adopted by Her majesty Sonia, of meeting ‘allies’ individually, and playing off one against the other, has brought increased resentment.

Even the highly centralised CPI(M) and their Left front are beginning to witness deep cracks which broke out into the open with the Jyothi Basu prime ministership issue. When the offer became a serious possibility, openly contradictory statements were issued in the press — Basu-Surjeet-Karat said the polit bureau will decide, while top leaders from Kerala stated that, as it entailed a change in policy, only the CC can decide. After the PB meeting, which clearly supported Basu’s prime ministership (which was later scuttled by the Congress(I) much to disappointment of Surjeet-Basu), Surjeet denied that such a decision had been taken while the CPI(M) parliamentary party leader, Somanath Chatterjee openly told Star TV that a positive decision had been taken. So, the deep contradictions already afflicting the Kerala unit of the party is beginning to infect the central body. Besides, the ‘Left Front’ was also divided, with the seven-member RSP/Forward Bloc refusing to support a Congress(I)led government ... inspite of CPI(M) pressure.

With such deep divisions within (and amongst) all the parliamentary parties the ruling classes are seriously considering other forms of government. People’s declining interest in this farcical ‘democracy’ as also the inability to provide a stable government is giving the ruling elite nightmares.

Extreme Opportunism and Alliances of Convenience

That principles concerning people’s interests have never been on the parliamentary agenda, today even bourgeois norms were discarded. Back-stabbing, deceit, double-speak, lies, half-truths, false pretenses etc. all became part of the ‘legitimate’ arsenal to achieve power. Yesterday’s anti-nationals became today’s allies; yesterday’s corrupt politicians became today’s ‘secular’ friends .... alliances, alignments, stand-points changed overnight, sometimes not once but two, three times. Corruption is, of course, no longer an issue as it afflicts all parties. With corruption scandals on top BJP leaders (with Mohan Guruswamy’s exposures, the Romesh Sharma connections and the Bhagwat affair) and even on CPI(M) chief Jyothi Basu (with vast wealth accumulated by son, Chandan, and relative Bijon Nag), it has become an accepted perquisite of power. Yet, in the drama at Delhi, what was particularly nauseating was how parties changed positions overnight, without need even for an explanation.

Take the BJP. Suddenly, after backing the corrupt Jayalalitha to the hilt, she became a devil only once she withdrew support. Earlier, in its greed for power, the BJP was not only willing to ignore the huge corruption charges on her, but even collaborated to get them quashed. It handed over the law ministry to the AIADMK, it transferred 46 minor cases from the special courts to the regular bench, it secured the appointment of a CBI director who was favaourable to her; and it even put its best foot forward in the Supreme Court, arguing against the special courts. Later, the BJP wept about the betrayal by the AIADMK ignoring the fact that throughout the ‘alliance’ period it did its best not only to split MDMK and others from the AIADMK, but also sought to split the AIADMK itself.

If we turn to the BJP’s other allies, they were either turned into BJP puppets or have displayed a similar opportunism in their bid to bargain a better deal with the BJP. During this crisis the prize opportunist was none other than the laptop(dog) Naidu. In the course of the week he changed position no less than four times. After actively campaigning for the BJP during the confidence vote; barely had the BJP lost, that within hours he announced his severance from the alliance. Then two days later, when the opposition looked to be in trouble, the TDP, for the first time ever, attended a coordination committee meeting. Then when it appeared that the third front could come to power he announced his willingness to support that. Finally, when nothing appeared to be working out for the opposition, he announced the TDP will support only Vajpayee as prime minister.

Mamta’s Trinamool Congress was even more pathetic. As late as the end of March a call was given for seat adjustments with the Congress(I) in the forthcoming civic elections. She also began high profile dialogues with Jayalalitha. Overnight, during the crisis, she became one of the most faithful BJP allies, having discovered the close Congress(I)-CPI(M) liaison.

The Congress (I) in traditional Chanakya style initially gained support of its ‘allies’ by indicating its willingness to head a coalition government. Having pushed their commitment far enough, it completely reversed its position to blackmail them (with CPI/CPI(M) assistance) to support a minority government from outside. Desperate to dislodge the BJP many capitulated, except Mulayam Singh Yadav who, in the new configuration, saw nightmares of his own death in UP. So, from a position of consistently demanding that the Congress(I) pull down the BJP government, he went so far as to try and form a ‘Fourth Front’ with the closest BJP ally — the Samata. This much touted CPI(M)’s ‘secular’ associate built up secret liaisons with Fernandes and Chandrasekhar.

But in the whole episode, one of the most opportunist and treacherous turned out to be CPI(M). Never before, except probably during the Emergency, have the revisionists come out as such crude agents of the Congress(I). While hypocritically spouting nonsense of a ‘Third Front’, the only ‘Front’ it was really building was with the Congress(I). In fact, throughout this entire drama, the CPI(M) general secretary, Harkishan Singh Surjeet, acted as the Congress(I)’s chief hatchetman to liason with other parties. The Surjeet-Basu duo turned out to be one of the closest confidents of Sonia. So much so, that even Subrahmanyam Swamy met Basu to get him to pressurise the Congress(I) to speed up the destabilising game. The CPI(M) from the start, repeated again and again that the only alternative to the BJP is a Congress(I) minority government. Surjeet infact made desperate attempts to brow-beat the allies to support a Congress(I) government from the outside, thereby more faithfully following the Panchamadi resolution than even the Congress(I).

And in its aggressive pro-Congress(I) stand it sought to sabotage not only the ‘Third Front’ but also the ‘Left Front’. The DMK was alienated and the Forward Bloc/RSP fell out on the question of support to the Congress(I). The hypocrisy of the CPI(M) came out sharply when Surjeet immediately after meeting Jayalalitha, publicly attacked the DMK. After repeatedly saying that the CPI(M) will not be party to any formation that involves the AIADMK, it overnight changed its position to support for the AIADMK.

This newly discovered ‘secular’ friend of the CPI/CPI(M) has not only a notorious record of corruption but of actually promoting hindu revivalism in Tamilnadu. Under Jayalalitha, the AIADMK has collected money from the public for the CM’s Temple Renovation Fund, launched the Tamilnadu Institute of Vedic Sciences, has sponsored Kumbabhishekams as never before, and has conducted refresher courses for temple priests. The high point of this policy was Jayalalitha’s impassioned plea in the National Integration Council to allow ‘kar seva’ at Ayodhya and her open talk about the rights of the ‘majority’. It is she who finally buried the Periyar tradition in Tamilnadu. yet the CPI/CPI(M) see the AIADMK as a ‘secular’ force !!

The DMK, which prides itself as a party of Periyar, swung to the absolute other extreme as to ally with the BJP itself. The BSP after agreeing to lend tacit support to the BJP (as during the dismissal of the Bihar government) overnight switched sides. Basically, all the regional parties, switch sides, according to what helps them maintain their respective fiefdoms.

From all these facts it is quite clear that none of these parties have any set of principles, and their various slogans of ‘swadeshi’, ‘secularism’ etc are a big hoax only to fool the people. Surely when all the parties have a common policy of serving the money-bags, it is clear that the very Lok Sabha serves that purpose. The rest, is only squabbles for the spoils of office. But, in this drama, the main players behind the scenes need to be pulled out into the open. It is the money-bags who must be forced out into the open, disclosing where the power really lies .... particularly the role of the ‘foreign hand.’

The Foreign hand

There has been much talk during the crisis and after of the role that foreign money played. This was stated by a number of top leaders. Though facts are difficult to gather on this, some strange happenings indicate the presence of this invisible foreign hand lurking in the background.

The first strange event was that during this period the notoriously corrupt Jayalalitha was granted two awards by the US imperialists. In early April the International American Friendship society of the US elected Jayalalitha to receive the world statesman Award for 1999. A fortnight later the Chicago based International Institute of Preventive Medicine decided to name a new institution after Jayalalitha.

The second strange event was that in the midst of this crisis, when elections were a definite possibility, the Chief Election Commissioner, disappeared on a ‘private trip’ to the USA. On the day before the dissolution of the Lok Sabha, he came scurrying back without any explanation as to what he was doing abroad !

Third, what is most interesting, was that during the key days of the crisis the stock exchange and value of the rupee fluctuated in direct proportion to the BJP’s fortunes. The day Jayalalitha announced her intention to withdraw support the BSE index fell some 240 points and the value of the rupee dropped. What does this mean ? If both dropped simultaneously, it means the FIIs sold large amounts of stock and withdrew dollars from the country. The fall continued, but on the day before the confidence vote, the process was dramatically reversed. When it appeared that the BJP was sure to win the vote, the BSE index shot up on April 16 and April 17 morning (day of the vote) by a huge 352 points and the value of the rupee also rose — showing the FIIs backing for the BJP government. Not surprisingly, after the BJP lost the confidence motion, the index once again crashed... also when the foreign exchange market re-opened on Monday (it was closed on April 17 and 18th) the rupee crashed to Rs. 42.9 to the dollar. Once the BJP was back in power, the BSE sensex continuously rose by over 370 points in the first week. The rupee too stabilised. This clearly indicates, if not the role of FIIs during the crisis, at least their preferred bias. This, of course, is not surprising, given the nature of the recently announced budget and other economic policies of the government.

Of course, the imperialists have their hands in every pie. But at any given time, some are their hot favourites.

What is to be Done ?

What power do the people and their ‘vote’ have over the goings-on in Delhi ? What say do the masses have over these politicians ? What right do they have to remove corrupt, traitorous and outright criminal politicians ? The answer to all this is NONE. Then what is the purpose of the vote ? Besides, as all serve the money-bags and oppose the people’s interest, what purpose is served in maintaining the voting farce ? Roughly Rs. 2000 crores (inclusive of election expenditure, partys’/candidates’ expenditure, etc) will be spent for the third time in three years — utilising people’s money to defraud the people.

Inspite of these glaring facts and even after viewing the Delhi circus just enacted, the neo-revisionists of the Liberation/New Democracy type, would have us lend this farce a legitimacy, by participating in it. Till today, what have they gained through their numerous ‘participations’, besides a certain credibility in the eyes of the rulers and the facility of a legal existence ? Such parties and organisations only use the Mao label as a fig-leaf to mask their dirty deeds. Defacto, these parties act as the last refuge of the ruling-classes against the revolutionary forces.

Merely rejecting this or that party or setting up one’s own candidates serves little purpose. The entire system must be rejected if there is to be any hope and future for the country. The rot is deep. The system is infected like a gangrenous wound festering on the body politic of our country. Nothing short of amputation can save the Indian people from these traitors and criminals. To tinker with this diseased system is like nursing a rabid dog.... only to get bitten.

Even a very small step forward in this direction has far greater significance for the future of our country, than numerous quick solutions.

8-5-99

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